Related Papers
Tiina Hyytiäinen, Lotta Jalava, Janne Saarikivi & Erika Sandman (eds.), Per Urales ad Orientem: Iter polyphonicum multilingue. Festskrift tillägnad Juha Janhunen på hans sextioårsdag den 12 februari 2012, pp. 163-175. Mémoires de la Société Finno-Ougrienne 264. Helsinki.
The Non-initial-syllable Vowel Reductions from Proto-Uralic to Proto-Finnic
2012 •
Petri Kallio
Tiina Hyytiäinen, Lotta Jalava, Janne Saarikivi & Erika Sandman (eds.), Per Urales ad Orientem. Iter polyphonicum multilingue. Festskrift tillägnad Juha Janhunen på hans sextioårsdag den 12 februari 2012. (Mémoires de la Société Finno-Ougrienne 264)
On Finnic long vowels, Samoyed vowel sequences, and Proto-Uralic *x
2012 •
Ante Aikio
Bomhard - Speculations on the Prehistoric Development of the PIE Vowel System (1981)
Allan Bomhard
Baltistica
The early chronology of long vowels in Balto-Slavic
2012 •
Frederik Kortlandt
Chapter 36 Central vowels in the Kru language family : Innovation and areal spreading
2019 •
Lynell M A R C H E S E Zogbo
While Proto Kru and many languages on both sides of the East-West divide today show a set of 9 oral vowels, a subset of Eastern Kru languages attests a much higher inventory, with up to five distinctive central vowels, resulting in a thirteen vowel +ATR set. The locus for central vowel innovation appears to be in the Godié-Guibéroua region, with neighboring languages at varying stages of innovation. In this paper we attempt to document vocalic inventories, point to developing systems, and speculate on how such innovations occurred, including proximity to resonant liquids (especially in a CV 1 LV 2 environment where V 1 is reduced in various contexts) and to suffixal morpheme boundaries. In some languages, coexisting lexical variation (mʊ ∼ mɤ ‘go’, Kagbʊwalɩ dialect of Godié) is one clear pathway to phonological change. Pressure for “rounding out” vocalic systems may also play a role in the unusually high number of innovated central vowels. Interestingly one Western language, Bakwé ...
Delabialization after *u and the distribution of labiovelars in dialectal Proto-Indo-European
Robert Woodhouse
Evidence is presented in support of a typologically based hypothesis of a pre-final stage of PIE in which palatovelars were opposed to a single set of phonemes, each phoneme comprising plain velar allophones and labiovelar allophones. During this stage delabialization of the labiovelar allophones took place in the environment after *u, the output being reinterpreted as palatovelars. The stage was terminated when one of the backvelar allophones – which one depending on the dialect – spread beyond its original environment(s) and became dominant in a specific set of dialects. The hypothesis thus contributes (1) a solution to the gutturalfrage that is not limited to inadequately motivated rejections of one or other of the three series of tectal phonemes on offer in the current mainstream reconstruction of PIE occlusives; (2) a rationale for the rise of labiovelars in PIE, (3) a coherent explanation for a currently unacknowledged source of gutturalwechsel, viz. delabialization after *u in satem languages and (4) motivation for the replacement of the awkward concept of “palatalization after *u” in Armenian by a straightforward delabialization.
The origin of vowel alternation in Avar-Andi-Dido (Northeast Caucasian) 2018.pdf
Peter Schrijver
The vowel alternation of the type Tsez absolutive buci, oblique stem bece- 'moon', which is observed frequently in nouns in the Dido languages, can be reconstructed as a Proto-Dido alternation of rounded vowel (in the absolutive) and and *ɨ (in the oblique stem). A similar phenomenon can be reconstructed for Avar and the Andian languages, which allows us to push back vowel alternation to Proto-Avar-Andi-Dido. There are indications that the vowel alternation reflects an ancient sound law according to which rounded vowels in pretonic position lose rounding to a following consonant.
The development of the Tocharian vowel system (as may of 2024)
2024 •
Nicolás Monti
This is a completely remade, revised and corrected version of a draft uploaded about two years ago. In the present work I intend to provide a concise guide about the development of the Tocharian vowel system with emphasis on how the system behaves as a whole for each stage of its development in a typologically natural fashion. Introducing novel hypotheses is not the main goal here but the display of the main changes instead, with focus on every step, providing examples and explanations on how each change affects the vowel system and to improve what is already stated on the matter. This last update recognizes the difference between non umlauting -o:n and umlauting -eh2-o:n stems, the split between -eh2 and -yeh2 stems and the requirement of a long root vowel for the IV presents.
Martine Robbeets
1983 Proto-Indo-European and North-West Caucasian vowel systems
Rémy Viredaz
Given at the first colloquium of the (future) Societas Caucasologica Europaea in Hull in July 1983. Unpublished, though quoted by Norbert E. Collinge, The Laws of Indo-European, 1985, chapter Brugmann's Law. Meanwhile, there are many things that should be added, deleted or altered. Автор: Rémy Viredaz/Реми Вирда